Secondary Amendments to Resolutions

#1: Amendment to Resolution #1 – Resolution on the Defense of Immigrants and Refugees

Authors: Duane C. (Sacramento), Alexander H. (Atlanta), José P. (Atlanta)

Amended Language:

Be it further resolved, we recognize that the January 6, 2021 insurrection in the capitol highlighted the several unresolved crises racism and abuse of power in the  US. The National Immigrants Rights Working Group highlights those abuses targeted at immigrant communities and will join with other immigrants’ rights groups to oppose the expansion of this racist anti-immigrant agenda.

Be it further resolved, The Immigrants’ Rights Working Group will organize up to 4  webinars per year for general audiences and DSA members. IRWG will organize up to 2 webinars per year focusing on outreach to immigrants and  immigrant rights organizations and activist. IRWG will assist local DSA chapters and individuals in their organizing efforts by  providing support, media resources and a network of support for developing and  growing locally identified campaigns as well as to participate in selected national  campaigns. IRWG will coordinate activities within DSA under this resolution and develop a  program of education on the history and political economy of immigration.

Be it finally resolved, The National Immigrants Rights Working Group will coordinate activities within DSA  under this resolution and develop a program of education on the history and political economy of immigration. We recognize that migrants experience the most damning and direct crimes of the neoliberal capitalist system. Militarized borders, xenophobic/racist immigration laws, and an abusive prison industrial complex aim to dehumanize and marginalize immigrants, functioning to both suppress wages and divide the working class. We seek to abolish these and any barrier to the social, labor, and political power of migrants through our  organized movement

Budget or Staff Implications:

One full-time staff person and appropriate support personnel and resources. One quarter time staff person to work with the IRWG to achieve the above tasks.

Costing out by Staff and Budget & Finance Committee

#2: Amendment to Resolution #5 – Building Worker Power to Win Democratic Socialism: A Labor Strategy for DSA in 2021-2023

Authors: Logan S. (Seattle), Kshama S. (Seattle), Justin H. (Philadelphia), Toya C. (Boston), Grian G. (New York City), Genevieve M. (Boston)

Amended Language:

Build, Democratize, and Transform Our Unions: Support Union Reform Efforts and Movement-Oriented Unionism

Socialists are unambiguously pro-union. Unions are the only large-scale institutions controlled by the working class in the United States and even unions with major problems can allow workers to have significantly better lives, through increased job security, higher wages, healthcare and other benefits, and protection against discrimination. However, because of the decades of attacks from the capitalist class on unions, too many US unions today are wary of membership empowerment, workplace militancy, and political independence from the Democratic Party establishment. To combat this, democratic socialists should support efforts to transform them into more powerful and democratic vehicles for class struggle. Following decades of attacks on labor by the capitalist class and both the Republican and Democratic Parties, a key strategic task of the socialist movement is to help rebuild a strong and fighting labor movement. The main barrier to this is the majority of the existing labor leadership who run their unions in a top-down fashion with little involvement of the rank-and-file, accept far too many compromises and concessions, are unwilling to lead militant struggle, and give cover and support to the Democratic establishment. Given this approach they will also act as a major barrier to organizing new unions in previously unorganized workplaces and industries.

DSA members should actively fight to transform their unions into more democratic and fighting unions, including supporting and helping lead reform caucuses and reform leadership slates. Reform leaderships have recently played key roles in jumpstarting many unions, often leading to victories which have had a knock-on effect. In the course of struggle, however, even reform leaderships can make conservative mistakes as many do not have fully rounded out class struggle and socialist perspectives. One reason why even left-wing leaderships often stop short of what is necessary to win far-reaching victories, especially in public sector unions, is to avoid upsetting their relationship with the Democratic Party. DSA should argue for the labor movement to end its abusive relationship with the Democratic Party and help build a new working class party.

The power of unions comes from an active and empowered rank and file. DSA should support rank-and-file-led efforts to transform and democratize unions, to push them to be more ready to strike (legally and illegally), to bargain for the common good, to stand in solidarity with the entire working class, to support class-struggle candidates for office, to organize the unorganized, and to bridge divides such as age, contract tier, occupation, race, language, immigration status, and gender. We must build struggles against oppression at work, we must support the development of leaders of color in our workplaces and unions, and we must always stand in solidarity with the struggles of workers oppressed by racism, male supremacy, heterosexism, trans oppression, xenophobia, and imperialism.

Resolved: This convention affirms that DSA supports the organized efforts of rank-and-file workers, inside and outside of DSA, to transform their unions into militant and democratic vehicles of and for the multiracial working class at work, in the community, and in the political arena. Socialists in unions should aspire to become activists and eventually leaders in the workplace, including through shop floor organizing, bargaining, contract enforcement and, when possible, contesting for formal leadership.

DSA should fight for all elected union leaders to accept only the average wage of the workers they represent, to prevent situations where labor leaders are making several times more than their membership which is the current reality in many unions. DSA members in leadership positions should lead by example and put this into action themselves. DSA members in unions should fight to rebuild democratic structures and processes in their unions including the election of all leading positions with the right to recall, and membership votes on all candidate endorsements. DSA members in unions should also fight against their unions endorsing corporate, establishment Democrats as a step toward breaking from the Democratic Party altogether and building a new working class party.

Additionally, DSA supports our members in building worker power on the job by taking initiative to politicize the workplace by going beyond bread-and-butter issues and tying workplace demands to whole community demands and campaigns and building possibilities for experiential solidarity.

#3: Amendment to Resolution #7 – A Socialist Slate for the House

Authors: Trent P. (Boston)

Amended Language:

Therefore be it resolved, that DSA shall run a Socialist Slate for the House: an organized team of candidates recruited by locals across the country to run for the U.S. House of Representatives, beginning in 2022 2024.

Be it further resolved, that the National Political Committee, in consultation with staff, chapter membership, and the National Electoral Committee, will have the following responsibilities:

  • Developing a common set of campaign priorities.
  • Approving a training program that all recruited Slate members will attend to promote camaraderie, professionalism, and unified messaging.
  • Equipping Slate campaigns with high-cost campaign resources, such as technology infrastructure.
  • After the completion of Slate recruitment, identifying two or more High Priority Races: candidates with unique potential for success who shall receive extra resources to help the Slate secure at least one high-profile victory.
  • Identifying two or more Potential Independent Races: districts with unique potential for competitive independent campaigns, where candidates could be encouraged and provided additional resources to run outside the two-party system. Assisting all candidates with ballot access and planning for targeted independent campaigns in favorable one-party districts.

Be it finally resolved, that the National Political Committee shall adopt a full implementation plan for this proposal, modifying it as necessary for 2022 and to ensure legal compliance in consultation with membership.

#4: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority)

Note: The authors of Amendment #4 have withdrawn it.

Authors: Ben G. (Central New Jersey), Matthew S. (Madison)

Amended Language:

Resolved that DSA commits to developing state-level organizations and orienting toward running candidates for state legislatures, both as a means to contest the power of state government and to build capacity for statewide and federal races; and

Resolved that DSA commits to building official DSA caucuses in legislative bodies, with members who pledge to fight together for DSA’s principles and platform (if one is adopted); and who will be empowered to speak as organized representatives of the socialist movement; and

Resolved that DSA chapters commit to building the organization and skills necessary to recruit candidates and win campaigns through member-led mass outreach and to build chapter-level electoral working groups or committees that persist beyond a particular campaign or election cycle; and

#5: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority)

Authors: Matt S. (East Bay), Michelle F. (Snohomish County), Jack M. (New York City), Nick F. (East Bay), Jeremy G. (East Bay), Keon L. (Philadelphia)


Resolution #8 is silent on the question of whether we are trying to realign the Democratic Party / whether we think a “break” is eventually necessary. Because of that, it also leaves out concrete tactical prescriptions as to how DSA can help build a politically independent workers’ proto-party in the near term. This amendment aims to fill these gaps, in line with the historical orientation of B&R towards a “dirty break” and the Class-Struggle Elections resolution adopted at the 2019 DSA Convention.

Amended Language:

Resolved that DSA and its local chapters reject a strategy of capturing the capitalist-controlled Democratic Party or Democratic Party clubs or committees at the local, state, or national level, and instead commit to the project of building a working-class party independent of capitalist influence: a mass democratic political organization capable of taking state power with a strategy for social transformation; and

Resolved that DSA will continue its successful approach of tactically contesting partisan elections on the Democratic ballot line maintaining tactical flexibility with regard to ballot lines, running candidates as independents, socialists, or in the Democratic primary — whichever ballot line will best allow us to run class-struggle candidacies in each local context — while building power independent of the Democratic Party apparatus and the capitalist class; and

Resolved that, in order to build toward political and organizational independence, DSA encourages nationally-endorsed candidates to

  1. Clearly identify, in public-facing campaign messaging, as democratic socialists who are running against the Democratic Party’s corporate establishment;
  2. Use campaigns and elected offices to encourage supporters to join DSA, help organize unions, and build independent working-class political organizations;
  3. Refuse support for corporate Democrats, actively support left-wing challenges to establishment incumbents, and help build fundraising and campaign networks for DSA candidates instead of contributing to Democratic legislative PACs (e.g. DCCC, DSCC, etc.);
  4. Defend anti-corporate and left-wing independent electoral candidates from corporate and right-wing attacks;
  5. If elected, work to build democratic socialist caucuses in legislative bodies, orient these caucuses towards conflict with the capitalist Democratic Party establishment, and prioritize the creation and expansion of socialist caucuses over reforming Democratic legislative caucuses;
  6. Be active, dues-paying members of DSA and frequently consult their local chapters on political and legislative decisions.

Resolved that DSA will explore developing or procuring alternatives to electoral technology infrastructure controlled by the Democratic Party and allied organizations (such as NGP VAN and ActBlue); and

Resolved that the National Electoral Committee will coordinate with chapters during and between campaigns to help develop class-struggle messaging, messaging on democratic socialism that can be used for public-facing campaign materials for endorsed candidates and ballot measures, and train chapters to do polling on policy issues and voter self-identification, with the goal of shifting working-class voter identity from “Democrat” to “democratic socialist”; and

Resolved that the National Electoral Committee will help create “home-grown” electoral candidates and campaigns, including by training chapters in candidate recruitment and development and developing Candidate Schools and Campaign Manager Schools to give DSA cadre the training and perspective necessary to run effective class-struggle campaigns; and

Resolved that DSA commits to fighting for reforms to democratize the US electoral system (such as institution of proportional-representation voting systems and abolition of the Electoral College) to make independent electoral challenges more feasible.

#6: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority)

Authors: Philip L. (Seattle), Rosemary D. (Portland), Alex S. (Phoenix), Ramy K. (Seattle)


The 2019 DSA national convention adopted a “dirty break” strategy of aiming to eventually “form an independent working-class party, but for now this does not rule out DSA-endorsed candidates running tactically on the Democratic Party ballot line.”

For socialists, which ballot line to run on is a tactical question, but what must be consistent, no matter which ballot line DSA candidates choose, is running as an open socialist. This means advocating a clear socialist viewpoint on the major issues in the election campaign.

This point was registered by the 2019 DSA National Convention when it agreed that a vital task of running as an open socialist is to “popularize a class struggle perspective, one that sees the

working class as the agents of change and capitalists and capitalist politicians as the main barrier to change.”

While DSA candidates will continue to run on the Democratic ballot line where this is advantageous, we should still articulate a socialist message in these campaigns. Especially if socialist candidates are running on the Democratic ballot line, they need to make clear the fundamentally pro-capitalist character of the Democratic Party and use the platform of their election campaign to encourage working people to self-organize in their own independent working-class movements and organizations.

Even if socialists make use of the ballot line of a capitalist party, DSA candidates should still use every opportunity to raise people’s consciousness that workers and capitalists have opposing interests and that the multiracial working class needs to form our own independent political organization to fight for our interests against the capitalists and their political parties. Since we have not yet built our own independent workers’ party, DSA candidates should appeal to sympathetic voters to join DSA, which is playing the role of a pre-party formation.

Amended Language:

Resolved that DSA will continue its successful approach of tactically contesting partisan elections on the Democratic ballot line while building power independent of the Democratic party apparatus; and

Resolved that DSA will urge DSA candidates to clearly promote a socialist message about the Democratic Party, regardless of which ballot line the candidates are running on (Democratic or independent). Key components of a socialist message about the Democratic Party include: (1) openly identifying as a socialist running against the Democratic Party’s corporate establishment, (2) openly criticizing the Democratic Party as dominated by corporate interests, and (3) promoting the need for a working-class political organization structured as a mass-membership, democratic organization and appealing to supporters to join DSA; and

#7: Amendment to Resolution #8 – Toward a Mass Party in the United States (Electoral Priority)

Authors: Philip L. (Seattle), Rosemary D. (Portland), Alex S. (Phoenix), Ramy K. (Seattle)


The workers’ movement achieving political and organizational independence from the capitalist political parties is a key strategic goal along the path to winning political power for the multiracial working class and transforming society along socialist lines. This independence cannot be artificially created overnight, and therefore socialists must find creative and flexible tactics to make headway toward this goal where openings exist.

Having some socialists run independently from the Democrats has not impeded the efforts of other socialists to run on the Democratic Party ballot line. Socialist candidates have employed different ballot line tactics and have still been able to work together and support one another.

There are many one-party dominated races for local, state, and Congressional offices in which general elections are routinely uncompetitive due to the low level of support for the other capitalist party in that district, which sometimes doesn’t even field a candidate.

While the majority of socialist candidates in the recent period have run on the Democratic Party ballot line, there are also recent examples of socialists winning office as independents, such as DSA member Rossana Rodriguez-Sanchez’s election to Chicago City Council in 2019 as an independent, Kshama Sawant from Socialist Alternative winning her Seattle City Council seat the last three elections in a row, Gayle McLaughlin and the Richmond Progressive Alliance winning multiple mayoral and City Council elections, as well as Bernie Sanders’ history of successful independent mayoral and Congressional campaigns in Vermont.

The idea of trying to recruit and support 10 independent candidates is a ballpark number. Nonetheless, this figure allows the convention to provide political direction to the National Political Committee and the National Electoral Committee. The number 10 is a guideline to work with that helps clarify what this convention wants to see achieved over the next year.

Amended Language:

Resolved that the National Political Committee will prioritize regular communication and collaboration with the National Electoral Committee, in line with the role of electoral organizing as a unique priority within the organization; and

Resolved that DSA’s National Political Committee, in consultation with DSA’s National Electoral Committee, local DSA chapters, and national staff, is tasked with identifying the 10 most promising 2022 races around the country in which to run strong DSA candidates independently of the Democratic Party ballot line (DSA candidates may still run on the Democratic Party ballot line in other races, but these will not count toward the 10); and

Resolved that these 10 independent candidacies will be nationally promoted by DSA (not to the exclusion of promoting candidates running as Democrats as well), and the National Political Committee and the National Electoral Committee will ask all DSA members elected to public office to endorse and actively support these candidates; and

Resolved that DSA commits to devoting the time of two full-time organizers on national staff and to substantial resources over the next two years to build DSA’s independent socialist electoral infrastructure at the national level and in as many chapters as possible.

#8: Amendment to Resolution #18 – International Committee and Mass Organizing

Authors: Jessica V.M (Birmingham), Edward K. (Olympia), Drew L. (New York City), Christine J. (New York City), Margaret C. (Greater Baltimore), Alex N. (At-Large), Jake A. (At-Large)


The first sentence of the fourteenth paragraph of Resolution #18 both needlessly constrains the International Committee in terms of its relations with DSA members living abroad and, more importantly, will directly undermine vital stateside activities by those members. The sentence in question stipulates that, “when organizing with DSA members abroad, the International Committee will encourage and prioritize [emphasis added] organizing through participation in existing bodies abroad, such as through political parties and organizations.”

We believe this resolution-mandated reprioritization will negatively impact the ongoing U.S. political activities of DSA members living abroad vis-à-vis the International Committee. There are currently over a thousand DSA members

living abroad, many of whom have already mobilized and formed working groups that have proven critical to U.S. political initiatives and campaigns.

Specifically, DSA working groups in the UK, France, and Germany were pivotal in mobilizing—and winning—votes and delegates for Bernie Sanders in the 2020 Global Democratic Primary. They also have been phone-banking for the PRO Act, organizing campaigns for Medicare for All based on their experiences with their host countries’ universal healthcare systems, and undertaking other similar initiatives while living abroad. These activities are additional to the groups’ work with local political groups; for instance, DSA members in Germany are currently working closely with Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen to combat exploitative landlords in Berlin, while DSA members in the UK are planning a protest with British pro-Palestinian organizations outside the US Embassy for July 4th. These dues-paying members living abroad wish to continue prioritizing crucial stateside political activities as one facet of their work, in addition to their collaboration with local organizations, and should not be urged to do otherwise by the International Committee.

Furthermore, this resolution-mandated reprioritization ignores vital facts on the ground about U.S. citizens residing in foreign countries. It is often difficult for U.S. citizens living abroad to assimilate into “political parties and organizations” in their new country for a number of reasons:

  1. First, such participation by U.S. citizens living abroad in political parties is legally prohibited in many countries. Countries such as Russia, China, and others expressly forbid non-nationals from joining political parties. Consequently, for the International Committee to encourage DSA members abroad to do so would be impractical.
  2. Second, many political organizations are hostile to Americans participating in their country’s politics. Given the United States’ history, they view such behavior as colonialist and imperialist. Attempts by DSA members abroad in both Europe and South America to participate in existing political bodies have sometimes triggered negative reactions by local leftist groups. In Germany, for example, leftists in Berlin advised DSA members to focus on changing the politics of their own country, the United States.
  3. Third, some countries where DSA members live may not have political parties or major organizations that espouse democratic socialist principles. For instance, a current DSA member abroad in Estonia has been unable to find a political party that fits her democratic socialist views (in addition to being legally prohibited from officially joining a political party as a non-EU citizen). Similarly, Die Linke in Germany mostly takes a hard anti-Palestinian line, putting leftist anti-Zionists in Germany in a difficult position. In the most extreme cases, countries may persecute individuals who participate in any political organizations that challenge the government in power.
  4. Fourth, linguistic and cultural barriers often pose challenges for U.S. Americans to participate in the politics of their host countries. For example, a DSA member living in Brazil who does not speak Portuguese, especially if they are living there temporarily, may be unable to participate directly in Brazilian political organizations. Consequently, organizing with other DSA members abroad to participate remotely in stateside U.S. political initiatives may be their best option for political involvement.

Given the potential legal, political, and linguistic obstacles, this resolution-mandated reprioritization is ill-advised and impractical in some contexts. The International Committee should trust DSA members living outside the U.S. to determine where their own organizing efforts can be best directed based on the political context in their countries of residence and their own knowledge and skills. While the existing working groups of DSA members abroad greatly value involvement in and collaboration with existing political organizations in their countries of residence whenever possible and when aligned with democratic socialist goals, they are also involved in important activities to support socialist politics in the US. Given the disproportionate influence of US politics on international politics, these efforts to push US politics further left have beneficial impacts for the political left around the globe.

The International Committee should not be mandated to deprioritize these US-focused efforts in their interactions with DSA members abroad. The resolution as written would tie their hands to support only some political activities of DSA members over others that could further DSA’s goals.

Amended Language:

Therefore, let it be resolved that when organizing with DSA members abroad, the International Committee will encourage and prioritize organizing through participation in existing bodies abroad, such as through political parties and organizations. The International Committee may develop Memoranda of Understanding with informal circles of members abroad.

#9: Amendment to Resolution #20 – Class Struggle on the Housing Terrain: Building Power in the Tenants’ Movement

Authors: Lawrence L. (East Bay), Nicholas W. (Boston), Sarah M. (Boston), Cecelia S. (East Bay), Daniel T.  (East Bay), Kellen D. (Los Angeles), Justin G. (East Bay)

Amended Language:

Resolved, that the HJC training wing shall include details and processes for building inclusive, multi-racial organizations committed to language justice relevant to local conditions, and that are specifically committed to building organizational solidarity with BIPOC tenants; and be it

Resolved, that HJC shall develop a second wing as a legal-aid outfit that supports the tenant organizing of comrades in regions with deficient tenant rights support, for example by constructing know-your-rights trainings tailored to local legal conditions and purposefully constructed for local use, and by making legal interpretation for local and regional tenant laws available to such comrades. The HJC is also directed to develop a guide for tenant unions to search for and connect with legal support networks, and develop a strategy and practice that uses tenant rights knowledge for organizing outside the legal system; and be it

Resolved, that HJC shall develop a second wing to conduct an inquiry among local DSA housing committees into local conditions of legal resource availability and obstacles to access. HJC shall develop a guide for tenant unions to search for and connect with legal support networks. The HJC shall also develop a strategy and practice that uses tenant rights knowledge for organizing outside of the legal system; and be it

Resolved, the second wing shall also be a legal-aid outfit that supports the tenant organizing of comrades in regions with deficient tenant rights support, for example by constructing know-your-rights trainings tailored to local legal conditions and purposefully constructed for local use, and by making legal interpretation for local and regional tenant laws available to such comrades; and be it

Resolved, that the HJC shall include a third wing for purposes of political education relevant for the tenant movement, and whose duties shall include developing a political education curriculum that can be adapted to local conditions; and be it

Resolved, that the three wing tenant-organizing structure approved herein devote all its efforts to facilitating the organizing of DSA members as they build new, or strengthen existing, autonomous tenant unions. The structure shall not engage in lobbying, nor work on any campaign unless it is being carried out directly by a related autonomous tenant union. This in no way limits the action of the HJC outside of this three wing structure; and be it

Resolved, that each of the three wings shall be led and directed by DSA members actively engaged in organizing autonomous tenant unions, and that DSA staff shall play a supportive and administrative role; and be it

Resolved, that the HJC shall be provided with funds for translation and language justice; and be it

#10: Amendment to Resolution #23 – Childcare for All

Authors: Emily W.G. (Portland), Sarah R. (New River Valley)

Amended Language:

Whereas lack of access to childcare poses a significant burden to working families across the country.

Whereas universal childcare is can be the creation of public nurseries, public play-based preschools, and public elementary before-and-after school programs available to all children.

Whereas universal childcare is can be created through a progressive income tax on top earners.

Whereas wealth is indirectly redistributed by universal childcare tax mechanisms, and this changes the course of childrens’ entire lives, working class children will earn more in their lives as adults, while wealthier children will earn less.

Whereas profit in privatized childcare comes from the exploitation of workers whose wages remain low partly because reproductive labor remains unpaid or underpaid.

Whereas the majority of federally funded means tested non-profit childcare programs create poverty in and of themselves by compensating the median worker $23,76025,460 a year and providing substandard working conditions.

Whereas the socially necessary work of childcare has historically been gendered, racialized, and unpaid; and as women have sought greater participation in productive labor, this particular form of reproductive labor has become a growing industry ripe for capitalist exploitation; and because this work is overwhelmingly done by women and people of color, capital has justified paying poverty wages with no benefits as this work is already systematically devalued and the workforce super-oppressed.

Whereas there will be no successful challenge to capitalism without the participation of the super-oppressed and hyper-marginalized, and any form of socialism that ignores the most marginalized will only reproduce the oppressions of capitalism in a different form.

Whereas organizing this historically marginalized workforce, with its legacy of exploitation by both gendered and racial capitalism, is a direct step toward DSA’s vision of a humane social order based on popular control of resources and production, economic planning, equitable distribution, feminism, racial equality and non-oppressive relationships.

Whereas members of DSA locals with active Childcare for All workgroups can follow the lead of Portland DSA’s successful Universal Preschool-k NOW! / Preschool For Allow ballot initiative campaign, a homegrown electoral project that brought universal childcare preschool to all 3 and 4 year old children in their Multnomah Ccounty in Oregon, funded by a 1.5% to 3.8% progressive income tax, which only the top 8% of income earners in their county pay.

Whereas the DSA has a need for an economist staffer to help local DSA Childcare for All workgroups analyze tax bases on the statewide or district level in order to produce viable progressive tax legislation to fund universal childcare.

Whereas DSA locals can viably carry out statewide Childcare for All campaigns to progress universal childcare if DSA locals have actual policy to push.

Whereas DSA locals will have varying needs for technical support in producing viable policy and legal proposals that meet the local requirements of their target jurisdictions.

Be it resolved the DSA will dedicate a half-time staffer to craft the necessary universal childcare tax mechanisms that will change children’s lives and level income inequality in America.

Be it resolved the half-time staffer will also facilitate a consciousness-raising campaign to bring up awareness of this socialist strategy for locals interested in working toward universal childcare through Childcare for All campaigns.

Be it resolved that this staffer will be hired within six months of convention after the passage of this resolution.

Be it resolved that this staffer be paid at least the median income of childcare workers in America.

Be it resolved that the DSA grant this staffer an additional budget of $10,000 that will go towards resources and training for interested locals to help get Childcare for All canvassing campaigns off the ground.

Be it resolved that DSA will allocate $75,000 to a Childcare For All grant fund to which locals may apply to assist with research, legal advice, and any other expenses associated with drafting viable policy for local Childcare for All campaigns.

Be it resolved that this fund be administered by the National Electoral Committee (NEC) and be open to applications no later than January 1st 2022.

Be it resolved that DSA dedicate 3.5 hours a week of staff time to coordinate support for Childcare for All campaigns at the national level. The staff would help the NEC field email requests regarding childcare electoral work; maintain a database of contacts for the purpose of disseminating information about Childcare for All; maintain a webpage about Childcare for All and be available to talk to interested chapters about the Childcare for All fund and universal childcare electoral campaigns.

#11: Amendment to Resolution #25 – National Communications & Technology Policy

Authors: Byron L. (Orange County), Nikhil S. (New York City)

Amended Language:

Whereas the left would benefit from independent media formations and the promulgation of our national, regional, and local news and analysis in a way that could be owned by the organization;

Further, the aforementioned plan will study existing national, state, and local efforts; center coordination with tech committee members and coordinations at all levels of the organization; and analyze factors that include costs, capacity, democratic governance, the process of training administrators, moderation, security, and feasibility for technology and administrative changes that include, but are not limited to:

  • Database Management
  • Website Development & Hosting
  • Internal Development of New Communications and Social Media Applications
  • Member-accessible portals for resources, member information, and training resources
  • Development of communications applications that use open source software, modification of Discourse or instances, and employment of applications such as Spoke, Action Network, MailChimp, Slack, Discord, and Mattermost
  • Voting Systems
  • Promulgating DSA and left news media
  • Training local, state, and regional tech committees and membership on the use and maintenance of applications
  • Hiring additional permanent or temporary staff or contractors

#12: Amendment to Resolution #26 – Developing Independent Organizations & Training Organizers for Emerging Conditions

Authors: Byron L. (Orange County), Nikhil S. (New York City)

Amended Language:

Therefore, the national organization with the aid of the National Antifascist Working Group, and other relevant working groups and committees, including, but not limited to, the Growth & Development Committee, will implement training by mid-2022 for members on how to successfully build organization during moments of crisis and mobilization and engage in tactics such as successful boycotts and direct actions;

Further, the national organization will explore how to sustainably fund organizers so that a broader group of individuals are able to assist on campaigns and long-term projects;

Further, the National Antifascist Working Group, and other relevant working groups and committees, will coordinate with DSA to the maximum degree possible will incorporate in existing and new national DSA campaigns and working groups about how to implement tactics that include, but are not limited to, waging successful boycotts and direct actions;

Further, relevant national working groups, including but not limited to the Housing Justice Commission, and the National Mutual Aid Working Group and other relevant working groups and committees, in conjunction with the NPC and national staff, will develop a study by March 2022 to determine how best to fund and develop independent institutions such as mutual aid networks, local and national worker cooperatives, community land trusts, and other independent institutions based on an evaluation of factors such as cost, viability, democratic governance, regulatory compliance, the process of winning necessary legislative and regulatory changes, and legal liability.

#13: Amendment to Resolution #27 – Beyond 100K: Building a Mass Socialist Organization

Authors: Justin C. (New York City), Jordan F. (New Orleans)


At the time Resolution #27 of submission, we optimistically wrote that DSA was an organization of “over 100,000 members” as we remained hopeful we’d pass that goal before convention. We are currently just shy of 95,000 members and it’s unlikely we’ll hit our 100K by August so we are amending the resolution to reflect that.

Amended Language:

WHEREAS, with a membership of over approaching 100,000, the Democratic Socialists of America is a worker-led organization seeking to build a mass movement able to win power, abolish capitalism, and free itself to gain freedom and extend democratic control over all aspects of our lives and society under socialism,

#14: Amendment to Resolution #38 – A Socialist Horizon

Authors: Kshama S. (Seattle), Dustin S. (Chicago), Bruce C. (Boston), Hannah F. (Pittsburgh), Morgan Q. (East Bay), Michael H. (Philadelphia), Elan A. (Boston), Emilia M. (Boston)

Amended Language:

Whereas the new socialist movement has had to reassess its strategic outlook following the defeat of Bernie Sandersʼ campaign for the presidency, which highlighted that socialists cannot rely on the Democratic Party’s rigged, corporate-dominated primary process.

Be it resolved that DSA reaffirms the commitment to building political organization independent of the Democratic Party and their capitalist donors and the aim of forming an independent working class party, including by prioritizing running candidates explicitly independent of the Democratic Party

Be it further resolved DSA electoral strategy shall require candidates to fulfill the following minimum criteria to be nationally endorsed:

  1. Openly identify as socialists in live, digital, and print communications.
  2. Commit to using their campaign, elected office, and position to build and promote working-class politics and organization outside of the Democratic, Republican, and other capitalist parties.
  3. Commit to taking home only the average skilled workers’ wage within the district they represent, if their pay is higher than that amount, and donating the rest to social movements and labor struggles. This should be a hallmark of all working class and socialist leaders.